|2055: A New Armistice has been given an update. I will be making similar improvements to all of the world maps in the Second Renaissance Timeline.|
I'm just another denizen of the internet trying to add a little nuance where its needed, and a little bluntness where it's not.
I'm from Western Washington, though I currently reside in California.
I'm an actual Rocket Scientist (did research with rockets, and am an Aerospace Engineer).
Politically I can best be described as Liberal American Imperialist; so basically I want Universal Healthcare as an excuse to annex Canada.
I love sci-fi movies, books, and TV shows, classic cars and modern ones too, bitching about politics, speculating about the future, and analyzing the past.
Current Residence: Lancaster, California
Favorite genre of music: Rock in all its forms and all its glory!
Favorite animated character: Spike Spiegel
Favorite literary character: Takeshi Kovacs
By the 2110s the Mexican-American Cold War had begun to ramp up and truly become a global conflict. Proxy wars, cyber attacks, and political engineering were the order of the day for both sides. The civil war in China, the collapse of the Mediterranean Union, the East Africa Wars, and countless smaller points of confrontation defined the 2110s. Mexico's strategy to counter the United States' global dominance rested on a strategy of Asymmetrical Foreign Policy; creating chaos with the goal of throwing the US off balance rather than trying to defeat them through any direct confrontation. This policy's execution was the same in the Sahara, as it was everywhere else, chaos incarnate.
The Breakup of the Mediterranean Union created a power vacuum in the Sahara, a vacuum that the Tuareg Union and the newly reunified Nigera hoped to fill. The reunification of Nigeria and Arewa was a political coup executed by American diplomats when the wars in East Africa had only just begun. The hope was for Nigeria to be the base of power in West Africa, and to create the means for a Nigerain-Congolese-East African bloc that could secure US space elevator access in the region, along with all major trade routs to get those goods to market. For Mexico, this was unacceptable. It didn't take any prodding to get the Tuareg Union on board to oppose the Nigerians, and for close to a decade their forces stood at odds on a common border. In 2117, the situation in East Africa was beginning to turn in the American favor. Kenyan nationalists were beginning to loose ground and the transit lines from the Uganda tower to the Indian Ocean were largely secure. Trade was re-established with the Kush Republic, and US forces engaged in the region were beginning to talk about an armistice. That year, Mexico's GPS network experienced an unforseen malfunction and Tuareg troops on regular patrols accidentally crossed into Nigeria 's Northeast province. By the time their navigational system was reestablished they'd found themselves behind Nigerian lines and facing a Nigerian armored battalion to their North. During the chaos, several soldiers claimed that Nigeria was invading Tuareg territory over their communications to command. By the time the mistake had been rectified, the Tuareg had pushed 10 kilometers inside of Nigerian territory, and Nigerian drones had struck the Tuareg military positions and supply lines north of the border.
What would come to be known as the Sahara war would last the 7 years. The Nigerian-Tuareg portion of the conflict only lasted 3 years. Both sides committed the totality of their forces to the conflict, and Nigeria actually looked to be in a position to defeat the Tuareg Union, but not until after both sides had suffered heavy casualties. With Nigeria gaining ground in the second year of the war, Mexican operatives began to encourage political distension among the wealthier factions of the Hausa in the regions bordering Lake Chad. However, similar sentiments had already begun to spread in the Azawad region of the Tuareg Union. When the Hausa rose up, Azawad did as well, and one rebellion along the border between both nations became two, and suddenly the Nigerian military found themselves trapped behind two enemy lines. The war began to devolve after that, the few forces in Nigeria available to fight the Hausa were unable to stop the spread of sectarianism at home, while more and more rebel groups began to emerge in response to the Government's refusal to surrender. After two years of civil war, the Brazilians decided it was time to make their own move and deployed a division of their own forces to aid their allies in Mali to push into Azawad and secure Tombouctou. Mexico began to respond to US calls for a ceasefire, and after the Arewa Coup, they had it. The Treaty of Tripoli was signed in a matter of days, as the Junta in Arewa simply wanted a return of its troops who were trapped in Azawad and Tuareg territory. Nigeria was left in pieces.
While Mexico's attempt to break up the US-Alliance system in the Sahara succeeded, it ultimately proofed more costly than either side had expected. The Tuareg Union was facing an internal civil war, and while Nigeria was no divided it had left a dangerous power vacuum in Sub-Saharan Africa. Brazil ultimately gained the most with its proxies in Mali expanding into former Tuareg territory and creating an Azawad buffer between themselves and the rump Tuareg Federation. The war weakened the American position in North Africa, but did little to advance Mexico's cause. The allies they gained were divided and in no position to reverse their fortunes in East Africa. Most troubling was the degree of success Brazil had with their alliance system and their treatment as an equal player at the negotiating table.
Despite the success of the US Special Forces, the SCA and their affiliates remained a serious public threat well into 2028. Their territory had largely been pushed back to Alabama and Mississippi, but as they fell back the group and their supporters carried out increasingly violent acts of domestic terrorism, including setting fire to whole towns, destroying oil pipelines, and staging public executions of African-Americans, Women, homosexuals, and reporters. While the strategic integrity of the SCA was collapsing, the brutality of these acts contributed to a public perception that the current administration was not capable of defeating the SCA and is cited by political theorists as an important contributing factor for the Progressive Sweep in the elections of 2028.
Shortly after Dylan J. Price took office in 2029, the SCA had largely been pushed back to Mobile and their affiliates had gone underground. One of Price's first acts upon taking office was the deploying of the US Army to Mobile in a seven day assault that ended with the deaths of all remaining members of the SCA. Following the disbandment of the Sovereign Citizen's Alliance, the Price administration declared white supremacist groups and other domestic extremist movements to be a clear and present danger to the national security of the United States. Immediately after the liberation of the Mobile, federal raids across the country against similar movements became commonplace and increased powers were given to the FBI to monitor and shut down online groups if they were determined to be a potential security threat. As a result of these acts, most white supremacist and racial extremist movements were forced back underground. The SCA was and has been, the only attempt by these groups to form a unified political entity during this period.